A well-written biography that neither lionizes nor destroys its subject. Each issue of controversy was dealt with in an even-handed manner, which helped me immensely, as Bryan has always been somewhat of an historical/religious enigma to me. My only concern was that Kazin was not entirely consistent with his portrayal of some events (i.e. positive spin on event in one chapter, negative recollection in next chapter). However, that concern is completely outweighed by the treatment of the subject. Highly recommended for those interested in politics, the intersection of religion and politics, liberalism, and those rare creatures known as public evangelical Christian liberals. ( )

Michael Kazin's book is an insightful effort to rehabilitate William Jennings Bryan for our times. Seeking to dispel the image from Mencken of the fundamentalist bigot, he argues that Bryan is a pivotal figure in the transformation of the Democratic Party into the liberal force it became in American politics. While he relies on heavily on previous Bryan biographers for much of his details, his great strength is in his placement of Bryan within the context of his times. This allows him to demonstrate Bryan's impact in the movements and developments of his times, showing him to be a more significant figure than a thrice-defeated presidential candidate might otherwise warrant. The result is the best single-volume biography of Bryan available, one that should be read by everyone interested in this oft-caricatured historical figure. ( )

An excellent biography of Bryan, this book pulls no punches and really gets at the paradoxical nature of the man. Bryan doesn't fit comfortably into our understanding of American political figures, being an extremely religious liberal who may be best known today for the caricatured portrayal of him in "Inherit the Wind," but Kazin's able to bring life to the man and his ideas. Recommended. ( )

I must admit that I have never been a big William Jennings Bryan fan. He always struck me as a bit a whack job. In A Godly Hero, Michael Kazin reminds us that the Great Commoner played an important role in transforming the Democratic Party from the conservative, states-rights policies of Grover Cleveland to the liberal, national party associated with Franklin Roosevelt. Ironically, Kazin sees Bryan as a conservative figure that considered corporate-driven industrialization a radical force that could destroy American families, the Jeffersonian economy of farmers and mechanics, and the very project of democracy itself.

Kazin dismisses any lingering claims that the Boy Orator was selected as a dark horse in 1896, arguing instead that the crafty and ambitious Bryan had been actively working for the nomination for a year prior to the convention. By 2014 standards that would make him a late- comer, but in 1896 it was an early start. Having been nominated by the Democratic Party, Bryan ran an electrifying and novel campaign, but one that had only the slimmest possibility of success. In defeat Bryan’s supporters bonded to their hero. No other losing politician enjoyed such devoted loyalty. So potent was his spell, that the Democrats wheeled him out for two more drubbings. When not campaigning, Bryan worked his way through the lecture circuit advocating prohibition. Although his third loss more or less disqualified him from a fourth nomination in 1912, he was instrumental in steering the convention towards New Jersey Governor Woodrow Wilson. Kazin argues that Bryan exercised some influence on the New Freedom, and it should be as much a part of his legacy as his other projects. A Godly Hero finds one major flaw in its subject: He failed to stand for racial justice and too often sided with Jim Crow.

President Wilson acknowledged both Byran's support in the 1912 convention and his standing in the party by appointing him secretary of state. Bryan, who had campaigned in 1900 on an anti-imperialism message, wanted the United States to deviate from Roosevelt's jingoism and Taft's dollar diplomacy, by adopting a moral foreign policy. He succeeded to some extent in tempering Wilson's heavy hand in Latin America. But Kazin draws attention to the tension this created for the nation's chief diplomat. Despite his own views and preferences, he still had to serve his president.

When it comes to World War I Bryan stumbled badly in the estimation of his biographer. Bryan argued that the British bore prime responsibility for the loss of American life when a German submarine torpedoed the Lusitania in May 1915. Even before the sinking, he expressed concern that Wilson's British-leaning policy compromised American neutrality. Critical of both the British blockade and the German U-Boat campaign, he argued before the cabinet that any American citizens who traveled on belligerent ships did so at their own peril. Then, when the crisis occurred, Bryan choked. Instead of using the sinking as a platform to protest the American failure to uphold neutrality, he bowed to the president's wishes and signed a strongly worded threat to Germany that he himself had objected to. Then, he resigned in such a friendly manner that it did nothing to sharpen the differences between him and the chief executive. Following his departure from the cabinet, Bryan continued to serve Wilson. Bryan campaigned for Wilson in the 1916 election, and might have played a decisive role in the president's reelection.
After the United States entered the war, Bryan attacked profiteers and made it a point not to castigate German citizens.

Bryan's reputation might have been improved if he had gone down in a blaze of glory protesting Wilson Administration's policy. Of course, such a course was complicated by the fact that he had signed the note to Germany, a fact that leaves Kazin scratching his head. On the other hand, Bryan was a politician and wanted his party to remain in power. He had worked his whole life to see a strong Democratic administration in the White House that would use the federal government as a tool to bring about economic justice. Wilson might be wrong on war, but he was still vastly superior to a Republican president in either the mold of either Roosevelt or Taft.

From my blog: http://gregshistoryblog.blogspot.com ( )

Thisis an excellent, fresh, perceptive biography of a n iconic political giant. I had read Koenig's biography on June 15, 1980, and Coletta's three volume biography in the summer of 2006, and yet I found this book covered the tremendous events which marked Bryan's tumultuous career full of high interest, with never any dull parts. The author rightly points out that Bryan's leadership of the Democrats, while nevver successful, played a pivotal role in making that party the vehicle which did so much to modernize America and lead to the triumphs of progressive politics in Wilson's time and FDR's. While Bryan is shown not to be a deep thinker he had many right tendencies and so often he was right. For instance, hindsight puts his view of our participation in World War One in a favorable light. This is a really great study and I enthusiastically give the book five stars. ( )